Olagunju, Dare, and nepotism in appointments, By Yushau A. Shuaib

Lasisi Olagunju, an esteemed columnist famend for his incisive and thought-provoking writing, has lengthy captivated readers along with his potential to intertwine Yoruba folktales, historic references, and literary perception. His articles typically critically study Nigeria’s political and social panorama uniquely. But, even admirers like myself—a buddy of over 20 years—often discover ourselves questioning a few of his extra provocative viewpoints.

Armed with a First-Class diploma in English Research and a PhD in political communication, Olagunju skillfully employs proverbs and allegorical storytelling to counterpoint his narratives, typically embedding delicate hints that resonate with discerning readers able to studying between the strains.

Nevertheless, one space that has at instances troubled me throughout our discussions is his candid—and at instances extreme—criticism of Northern Nigeria, which frequently extends to former President Buhari. Olagunju’s thematic assortment of essays titled “Cowries of Blood” presents a poignant glimpse into his perspective on the Arewa area.

In his current column, “In Defence of Nepotism,” Olagunju recounts a dialog with a northern buddy (he didn’t say I’m the one) who criticised President Bola Tinubu for nepotistic appointments favouring the Yoruba. Olagunju counters this by asserting that almost all of key safety appointments beneath Tinubu are held by northerners. His evaluation seems to be told by current information from Sunday Dare, the newly appointed Presidential Adviser on Public Communication and Orientation. This information claims that strategic safety roles are predominantly occupied by northerners, thereby difficult allegations of ethnic favouritism towards the Yoruba.

Whereas Olagunju and Dare invoke the time period “key and strategic positions” to bolster their arguments, they need to observe that sure statutory lead businesses maintain way more crucial operational and mandated significance than others.

For instance, Dare’s evaluation shouldn’t be with out its flaws. It raises eyebrows when he contains the 2 Defence Ministers, Muhammad Badaru and Bello Matawalle, as northern heads of businesses answerable for supervising the Military, Navy, and Air Power, but omits the Minister of Inside, Bayo Ojo from the Southwest, who oversees pivotal safety businesses such because the Nigeria Safety and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Immigration, Jail and the Hearth Companies in addition to the board in control of recruitments and promotions in these businesses.

Moreover, Dare, a former Minister of Youth and Sports activities, makes a complicated classification by itemizing the Nationwide Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and the Nigerian Monetary Intelligence Unit (NFIU) as safety businesses led by northerners. Haba! This stretch of the idea of safety businesses past their conventional confines additional fuels scepticism concerning the credibility of his claims.

Whereas Dare’s narrative could seem disingenuous, Olagunju’s assertion that Nigeria is geopolitically divided into three areas — South, West, and North — is laughable.

Rising analyses, reminiscent of a current report by PRNigeria, current a extra nuanced view of safety management distribution throughout Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones: North-West, North-East, North-Central, South-West, South-East, and South-South.

Olagunju’s views on nepotism prolong past mere information evaluation. He argues that nepotism, typically seen negatively, could be a pragmatic technique for leaders navigating Nigeria’s complicated ethno-regional panorama. He traces the sample of regional favouritism in appointments again to earlier administrations.

A very putting declare from Olagunju posits that former President Olusegun Obasanjo strategically appointed primarily Southern and Northern Christians to delicate safety positions to mitigate perceived threats to his administration.

Olagunju notes, “Obasanjo had three Inspectors-Common of Police, and all three had been from his western area (Yoruba). His DG SSS from 1999 to 2007 was Colonel Kayode Are, his Abeokuta kinsman. For the military, Obasanjo, a Southern Christian, in eight years, had 4 gents as his Chief of Military Workers. He began in 1999 with Victor Malu, a Christian from the North; then he moved south and picked Alexander Ogomudia, a Southern minority. After two years, two months, Obasanjo took the place again to the North however didn’t give it to those that would possibly use it to injure him. He picked Martin Luther Agwai, a Southern Kaduna minority Christian. Three years later, he went south once more and chosen Andrew Owoye Azazi, one other Southern minority. He was clearly deliberate about what he did, mixing his nationalist broth with condiments of small nepotism right here a bit of altruism there. The Obasanjo expertise ended nearly twenty years in the past. That is the age of motive, with an apology to Thomas Paine. The gloves are off.”

Nevertheless, as Olagunju emphasises this troubling narrative, it raises pertinent questions: Are Northern Muslims seen as potential threats able to undermining any sitting president? Does this ambiance of mistrust underpin Tinubu’s choice for predominantly Yoruba Christian management inside crucial safety businesses?

Regardless of being a Muslim, President Tinubu has entrusted probably the most influential safety and financial positions predominantly to Yoruba Christians from the Southwest. Notable examples embrace the Appearing Chief of Military Workers, Lt. Gen. Olufemi Oluyode; Inspector Common of Police, Kayode Egbetokun; Director Common of the DSS, Adeola Ajayi; and EFCC Chairman, Olanipekun Olukayede, who all lead front-line businesses in army, safety, intelligence, and anti-corruption efforts.

Equally, key nationwide financial positions are held by Yoruba Christians from the South-West, such because the Governor of the Central Financial institution of Nigeria (CBN), Yemi Cardoso; the highly effective Chairman of the Federal Inland Income Service (FIRS), Zacch Adedeji; and the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economic system, Wale Edun.

Olagunju’s evaluation deepens when he alludes to the ability dynamics inside Tinubu’s administration. He provocatively suggests uncertainty surrounding who really holds energy — whether or not it’s President Tinubu, his spouse Remi Tinubu, an ordained senior pastor within the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), and even their son and shut associates.

This remark results in a broader concern in regards to the path of Nigeria’s democracy. Might this additionally replicate the agitation of Yoruba Muslims who really feel underrepresented in Tinubu’s administration?

Olagunju additional predicts impending management modifications, notably concerning the following Impartial Nationwide Electoral Fee (INEC) chairman. He argues that Tinubu’s alternative is more likely to replicate home-region bias, echoing the missteps of earlier leaders. He warns that in contrast to President Goodluck Jonathan — who appointed a non-regional INEC chairman to his detriment — Tinubu will probably prioritise regional loyalty on this crucial appointment in 2025.

The implications of nepotism in Nigeria’s management are profound. Each second a frontrunner prioritizes ethnicity over competence is a second that edges the nation nearer to instability. If sure teams are deemed untrustworthy for crucial appointments, how can they, in flip, belief the administration with their votes?

Finally, each second spent fostering nepotism over competence distances Nigeria from efficient governance. Leaders should embrace inclusivity and meritocracy to nurture belief and collaboration amongst all areas and ethnicities. Solely then can Nigeria aspire to grasp its full potential as a united nation.

Yushau A. Shuaib writes from Abuja; www.YAShuaib.com, yashuaib@yashuaib.com